Charles Dickens compie un viaggio negli Stati Uniti nel 1842. Il suo è uno dei molti viaggi che ripercorrono le tappe di quella che sembra essere una sorta di incursione nella modernità. Molte altre volte, tra ’800 e ’900, gli intellettuali europei hanno compiuto pellegrinaggi (entusiasti o disgustati) in quei paesi che costituivano una sfida al proprio sistema politico, o al sistema di regole (culturali, sociali, economiche) cui si sentiva di appartenere. Spesso nei loro confronti si nutriva la più radicale avversione. Quei pellegrinaggi che, nel corso del ’900 e poi di questo inizio di XXI secolo, saranno simboleggiati da molte mete – la Russia sovietica, la Germania nazista, l’Italia fascista, poi la Cina, l’India, Cuba, le Ande, poi nei “non luoghi” dei parchi a tema inventati, compreso Eurodisney, per finire all’arresto sulle soglie del buco delle Twin Towers o nelle visite guidate all’universo dei luoghi degli stermini – e ogni volta pongono il problema dell’incontro incerto, inquieto o mitizzato con la storia e soprattutto con le sfide che il passato, e i suoi residui, pongono al presente.
Dickens non sfugge a questa regola. Così il suo è un viaggio nell’America che anche oggi ammiriamo: New York, le grandi città dei laghi, il sistema politico, la forza di determinazione le grandi distese, la ferrovia, Philadelphia sono i protagonisti di questo viaggio.
Poi, nel penultimo capitolo, Dickens apre uno squarcio sul tema della schiavitù. Il suo non è tanto il profilo dell’umanitarismo o della questione di giustizia. Non lo fa per insensibilità – del resto sono sufficienti le sue pagine sulla miseria, che riempiono gran parte della sua narrativa, a dimostrare che il tema della miseria e delle condizioni della povertà nell’Inghilterra industriale non lo lasciano insensibile – bensì perché la questione dello schiavismo, prima ancora che una questione di ordine morale, gli sembra alludere a una di ordine mentale. Il tema è il rapporto tra ciò che un individuo considera legittimo e ciò che avverte come minaccioso o indebito da parte della cosa pubblica quando questa gli pone il problema della legittimità delle sue consuetudini.
«Che un abolizionista varchi i confini della Carolina del Sud; e se lo agguantiamo, lo processeremo e lo impiccheremo in barba a tutti i governi di questo mondo, governo Federale incluso». Sono le parole di un rappresentante del South Carolina al parlamento di Washington che Dickens riprende (sono quelle che chiudono questo estratto) e dicono una cosa molto semplice: la convinzione che il governo debba fare i fatti propri e non interferire nella vita privata o negli usi consolidati non nascono dalla globalizzazione o dalla crisi. Fanno parte della mentalità di tutte le società che si pensano come naturali, o che ritengono che la politica sia solo amministrazione di ciò che c’è. Era vero nel XIX secolo. Non sembra sia cambiato granché nel XXI.
Viaggio in America. La condizione degli schiavi e la mentalità degli schiavisti.
The upholders of slavery in America – of the atrocities of which system, I shall not write one word for which I have not had ample proof and warrant – may be divided into three great classes.
The first, are those more moderate and rational owners of human cattle, who have come into the possession of them as so many coins in their trading capital, but who admit the frightful nature of the Institution in the abstract, and perceive the dangers to society with which it is fraught: dangers which however distant they may be, or howsoever tardy in their coming on, are as certain to fall upon its guilty head, as is the Day of Judgment.
The second, consists of all those owners, breeders, users, buyers and sellers of slaves, who will, until the bloody chapter has a bloody end, own, breed, use, buy, and sell them at all hazards: who doggedly deny the horrors of the system in the teeth of such a mass of evidence as never was brought to bear on any other subject, and to which the experience of every day contributes its immense amount; who would at this or any other moment, gladly involve America in a war, civil or foreign, provided that it had for its sole end and object the assertion of their right to perpetuate slavery, and to whip and work and torture slaves, unquestioned by any human authority, and unassailed by any human power; who, when they speak of Freedom, mean the Freedom to oppress their kind, and to be savage, merciless, and cruel; and of whom every man on his own ground, in republican America, is a more exacting, and a sterner, and a less responsible despot than the Caliph Haroun Alraschid in his angry robe of scarlet.
The third, and not the least numerous or influential, is composed of all that delicate gentility which cannot bear a superior, and cannot brook an equal; of that class whose Republicanism means, “I will not tolerate a man above me: and of those below, none must approach too near”; whose pride, in a land where voluntary servitude is shunned as a disgrace, must be ministered to by slaves; and whose inalienable rights can only have their growth in negro wrongs.
It has been sometimes urged that, in the unavailing efforts which have been made to advance the cause of Human Freedom in the republic of America (strange cause for history to treat of!), sufficient regard has not been had to the existence of the first class of persons; and it has been contended that they are hardly used, in being confounded with the second. This is, no doubt, the case; noble instances of pecuniary and personal sacrifice have already had their growth among them; and it is much to be regretted that the gulf between them and the advocates of emancipation should have been widened and deepened by any means: the rather, as there are, beyond dispute, among these slave-owners, many kind masters who are tender in the exercise of their unnatural power. Still, it is to be feared that this injustice is inseparable from the state of things with which humanity and truth are called upon to deal. Slavery is not a whit the more endurable because some hearts are to be found which can partially resist its hardening influences; nor can the indignant tide of honest wrath stand still, because in its onward course it overwhelms a few who are comparatively innocent, among a host of guilty.
The ground most commonly taken by these better men among the advocates of slavery, is this: “It is a bad system; and for myself I would willingly get rid of it, if I could; most willingly. But it is not so bad, as you in England take it to be. You are deceived by the representations of the emancipationists. The greater part of my slaves are much attached to me. You will say that I do not allow them to be severely treated; but I will put it to you whether you believe that it can be a general practice to treat them inhumanly, when it would impair their value, and would be obviously against the interests of their masters”.
Is it the interest of any man to steal, to game, to waste his health and mental faculties by drunkenness, to lie, forswear himself, indulge hatred, seek desperate revenge, or do murder? No. All these are roads to ruin. And why, then, do men tread them? Because such inclinations are among the vicious qualities of mankind. Blot out, ye friends of slavery, from the catalogue of human passions, brutal lust, cruelty, and the abuse of irresponsible power (of all earthly temptations the most difficult to be resisted), and when ye have done so, and not before, we will inquire whether it be the interest of a master to lash and maim the slaves, over whose lives and limbs he has an absolute control!
But again: this class, together with that last one I have named, the miserable aristocracy spawned of a false republic, lift up their voices and exclaim “Public opinion is all-sufficient to prevent such cruelty as you denounce”. Public opinion! Why, public opinion in the slave States IS slavery, is it not? Public opinion, in the slave States, has delivered the slaves over, to the gentle mercies of their masters. Public opinion has made the laws, and denied the slaves legislative protection. Public opinion has knotted the lash, heated the branding-iron, loaded the rifle, and shielded the murderer. Public opinion threatens the abolitionist with death, if he venture to the South; and drags him with a rope about his middle, in broad unblushing noon, through the first city in the East. Public opinion has, within a few years, burned a slave alive at a slow fire in the city of St. Louis; and public opinion has to this day maintained upon the bench that estimable judge who charged the jury, impanelled there to try his murderers, that their most horrid deed was an act of public opinion, and being so, must not be punished by the laws the public sentiment had made. Public opinion hailed this doctrine with a howl of wild applause, and set the prisoners free, to walk the city, men of mark, and influence, and station, as they had been before.
Public opinion! what class of men have an immense preponderance over the rest of the community, in their power of representing public opinion in the legislature? The slave-owners. They send from their twelve States one hundred members, while the fourteen free States, with a free population nearly double, return but a hundred and forty-two. Before whom do the presidential candidates bow down the most humbly, on whom do they fawn the most fondly, and for whose tastes do they cater the most assiduously in their servile protestations? The slave-owners always.
Public opinion! hear the public opinion of the free South, as expressed by its own members in the House of Representatives at Washington. “I have a great respect for the chair”, quoth North Carolina, “I have a great respect for the chair as an officer of the house, and a great respect for him personally; nothing but that respect prevents me from rushing to the table and tearing that petition which has just been presented for the abolition of slavery in the district of Columbia, to pieces”. – “I warn the abolitionists” says South Carolina, “ignorant, infuriated barbarians as they are, that if chance shall throw any of them into our hands, he may expect a felon’s death” – “Let an abolitionist come within the borders of South Carolina”, cries a third; mild Carolina`s colleague; “and if we can catch him, we will try him, and notwithstanding the interference of all the governments on earth, including the Federal government, we will hang him”.
L’estratto del capitolo XVI di American Notes di Charles Dickens dal titolo “Slavery” è ripreso da qui.